Korea: The Struggle against Privatization of the Energy Industry Continues as Trade Unionists vow to Stop Globalisation, Commercialisation and Privatisation through International Solidarity!

The struggle of power plant workers against privatization will never stop!

On 3rd December 2000, the president of Korea Electric Power Corporation trade union signed the proposal for the Act on Restructuring of Electricity Industry. The Act was then ratified in the National Assembly on 8th December and effectuated on 23rd December. To justify the legislation of the Act, the Korean government argued that restructuring of the energy industry was a global trend and that monopoly by public corporations blocks efficiency. Then on 1st April 2001, the Korea Electric Power Corporation separated and broke down power plants into 6 subsidiaries (five thermal plants and one nuclear plant). With the power plants separated from the Electric Power Corporation, we had to go through the process of forming a new union. On 19th July 2001, Lee Ho-Dong was elected (61.1%) to become the president of the power plant workers union. The union then changed its membership from Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) to the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) with the support from majority of workers (76.1%) – thus setting forth as a democratic union.

Although we had raised our union flag, we had to start from scratch, with no collective bargaining agreement (CBA). The corporations refused the succession of previous agreements. The management merely replied that they would only continue regulatory sections of the agreement but not the liabilities. They also refused to recognize basic union rights and activities. The union had to start without any fulltime staff and without an office.
Despite the difficult conditions, we had our first bargain on 17th September, and on 22nd December, we consolidated our wage agreement. However, the matter of CBA remained unresolved. Because this agreement was directly linked to unionism, the management (in fact, the government) was adamant not to relent to workers’ demands. Particularly because the two major contentions were privatization of power plants and the CBA, the conflict with the management (the government) became increasingly intense.
On 25th September 2001, the power plant union protested during government auditing process against the promulgation of the Act on Restructuring of Electricity Industry. The union also struggled against the policies of the government to promote privatizations and the attempts to break the union. The union declared that if the just demands of the union are not met, then the union will have no choice but to struggle.

The union, through the central executive committee and union member training sessions, confirmed its specific demands, and began to concentrate on educating rank-and-file workers on the essence of privatization. It was truly difficult for a newborn union to travel around the plants that were spread all around the nation, to organize workers who were unable to gather together at once because of shifts. However, the workers who participated in the education were determined to struggle against privatization. On 31st October, the “Joint Struggle Headquarters against Privatization of Public Industries” was established, bringing together the unions in the railway, gas and power plant industries. The power plant union implemented an extraordinary congress meeting and decided to go on a strike, with 95 out of 113 members in support of the decision. The unionists also unanimously agreed to start gathering funds for the strike.

As preparations for the strike sped up, the management and the government began to respond. They demanded that education be implemented only after working hours, and even sent out official letters telling the workers not to wear union jackets. They refused to let KCTU comrades enter the plants and they propagated that solidarity will never happen. Also, they tried to divide the workers by spreading rumours that union leaders will give up on the strike just as the previous leaders (from the previous “yellow” union) had done. However, the power plant workers were adamant in their resistance against privatization, and we did not relent to the threats of the management.

Between 18th and 19th February 2002, the union implemented a vote on industrial action. An astonishing 5,305 union members out of 5,606 members turned up to vote and the industrial action was passed. 4,560 members agreed on a general strike. At this, the union leadership did not hesitate to order a strike, and the union moved step by step towards a strike.
The power plant union began a strike under the principle that it will be the union members who will decide when to start and stop the strike. It was truly historical in the sense that the members set on an all-out struggle, despite dismissal threats. The strike of public workers – power plant workers who were on strike for the very first time - went on for 38 days. During those 38 days, the participation rate was even higher than the rate that voted in favour of the action itself and there was hardly anyone who left the ranks. The “disperse struggle ” tactic, which had always previously failed, succeeded. Family members also fought hard together, and the strike gained 82% support in the public polls.
This strong struggle of the power plant workers blew energy into the anti-neoliberal struggles of the KCTU that was increasingly getting weak, and motivated millions of workers. Workers under KCTU formed true solidarity through solidarity strikes (metal workers), fundraising and provision of accommodation.

Privatization policies are the core of neoliberal restructuring, yet the government and the management underestimated the power of the workers because the union was new. However, the strong struggle of the workers shook the government and capital. Thus, the government and management started to cut off the roots of the democratic union itself. The management laid-off 348 workers, issued seizure on membership fees, sued 894 workers, and filed seizures worth astronomical figures against the workers who participated in the strike.

Repression using material means against the workers became even stronger when they returned to work after 2nd April. The management repressed the workers in ways that are reminiscent of military dictatorship. The management forced all workers to make a written oath, made observation on individuals, seized personal property of workers and made lists of daily activities of unionists. Human rights organizations actually called our workplace a “department store of human rights violations”! Furthermore, the government and the management supported a small faction of corporatists inside the union and implemented a more implicit repression by dividing workers. The corporatists propagated that the workers should return to work when the union and the workers were fully resisting against the government and the management, that the strike had failed, and badmouthed union leaders. However, the corporatists could not break the strong bonding that had been formed through the 38 days of struggle.

However, the power plant workers did not stop there. We stopped the sell-off of Korea Southeast Power Corporation, which was hurried to start speeding up the privatization drive, and even at this very moment the workers are fighting hard against repression.
We, the power plant workers, were successful in implementing the “disperse struggle”. Even though our struggle may be long and hard, we now have a history of at least delaying privatization of power plants. Furthermore, the struggle of the family support committee was even more courageous than the “disperse struggle” of the workers. It was possible for the family members to be organized because the workers and their families all lived together inside the compound of the power plant. There were even cases where family members encouraged workers who were initially reluctant to participate in the strike. The “disperse struggle” had previously failed because workers went home and the ranks collapsed. However, in the case of power plant workers, the family members stopped the workers from returning home, and sent back those who had left their ranks. The family members of the workers demonstrated everyday and protected the strike. They were themselves the courageous core of the struggle.

Our struggle still continues. Although the sell-off of the Southeast Power Corporation has been delayed, the government and the management will always find another opportunity to push through with the sell-off. Also, there is bound to be a series of multiple restructuring schemes to commercialize public utilities such as electricity. However, we already have the public opinion on our side about the problems of privatization, and we have already experienced the anti-labour characteristics of neoliberal policies. Thus, we will do our utmost best to continue our struggle despite all the difficulties, and strive to form a bigger struggle. We do not have any doubts.

Victory to the struggles to stop privatization of private utilities including electricity, water, railway and gas! Stop to neoliberal restructuring policies!

Stop globalization, commercialization and privatization through international solidarity!
[Source: www.jubileesouth.org]